Este es un foro dedicado a las Fuerzas Armadas Mexicanas así como de los diferentes Cuerpos de Policía y demás entes que se dedican a la Seguridad interna de México.


Posicion Geoestrategica- Centro de Operaciones Maritimas Internacionales - Cuartel General en Indonesia

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Rogersukoi27
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Posicion Geoestrategica- Centro de Operaciones Maritimas Internacionales - Cuartel General en Indonesia

Mensaje por Rogersukoi27 el 22/2/2016, 7:52 pm







Mientras que los paises del Sur de Asia, buscan aglomerarse, y desean ser destacados
anfitriones de la coordinacion militar, comercial, logistica y tecnologica de la zona, ante
los embates esperados de avances gigantes de la China Continental en sus posiciones
ya definidas a desarrollar, los mismos estrategas de los E.U., han planteado que para
tener un SENSOR GEOGRAFICO INTELIGENTE en dicha zona, el pais de INDONESIA,
presenta una posicion envidiable, para cubrir los movimientos claves del Mar
del Sur de China, el Oceano Indico asi como la extension de los radios de amplitud
programados por China para convertirse en una Armada de Aguas Azules, y que pueda
extender sus dominios en la segunda linea de islas allende la del Japon y sus areas
territoriales.

La realidad, es que no se ha definido cual puerto, o pais sera el que realice el
monitoreo central de el proximo SIGLO XXI en dicha zona, mas los participantes
que se han apuntado para ser parte activa de dicha influencia a ser implementada
son:
-) India para ser protagonista de su influencia en el Indico y las zonas que alcancen
a apoyar hasta las costas de Africa del Oeste y el Este de Asia;
- )Japon en sus ampliados horizontes de armada submarina, con sus adelantos de
sigilo e identificacion de las armadas que circundan en sus mares conocidos;
-) Australia como centro logistico antartico del sur de ambos oceanos Pacifico e
Indico;
-) Los paises emergentes sin fuerza unica (Filipinas, Indonesia, Brunei, Vietnam,
Taiwan, y Malasia) que desean hacer frente a la perdida de influencia en sus
litorales y zonas economicas exclusivas respectivas; y
-) la participacion Geonaval de los E.U. con la presencia de sus flotas y bases
navales aprobadas para respaldar los avances perfilados de la Flota de
aguas Azules de China.

Pronto veremos las naciones que exijan una rapida definicion y accion concreta que les
de la certeza de obtener el balance de fuerzas y contra-medidas requeridas que les
provean mas seguridad en su futuro desarrollo comunitario en la zona.
Esta vision es solo el principio, de una respuesta urgente que tendra sus efectos
positivos si se aplican con acciones reales y concretas en el corto plazo;
si los dejan como escenarios de juegos teoricos de guerra, no podran rescatar
sin costo, la inaccion y la lentitud en su implementacion.







U.S. Should Consider Establishing a South China Sea International Operations Center in Indonesia

By: Lt. Cmdr. Jeff W. Benson, USN
March 9, 2015 7:15 AM • Updated: March 8, 2015 11:32 PM
Adm. Harry B. Harris Jr., commander of U.S. Pacific Fleet, walks with Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Cmdr. Kazutaka Sugimoto on Feb. 6, 2015. US Navy Photo

The incoming U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) commander, Adm. Harry B. Harris, testified before Congress late last year that “China’s rise as a regional military and global economic power, and in particular, its rapid military modernization and assertive behavior toward regional neighbors present opportunities and challenges that must be managed effectively. This is our most enduring challenge.”

To meet that challenge, the U.S. Navy should explore establishing an International Maritime Operations Center (IMOC) headquartered in Indonesia to showcase the Navy’s commitment to the Asia-Pacific, monitor maritime developments in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean and serve as a new mechanism to meet China’s rise.

The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has increased efforts to build indigenous submarines and ships, intends to operate three aircraft carriers, and maintain offensive maritime land based missiles such as the DF-21D, an anti-ship ballistic missile. Of those developments, the increase in submarine capability has a significant role in conducting anti-access, area denial operations. By 2020 the PLAN will operate more than double the number of submarines in the Asia Pacific compared with 60 percent of U.S. submarines forward-deployed. The number of total PLAN submarines is substantial, but the mission types and geographical location of those operations are equally important.

The PLAN has extended surface and submarine operations beyond China’s coastal shores and may continue those operations for the foreseeable future. Since 2009, the PLAN has demonstrated continuous surface ship operations and improved at-sea logistics in the Indian Ocean. The PLAN during the 2013-2014 time period also took steps to increase naval operations in the Indian Ocean with three separate out of area nuclear and diesel submarine deployments—a possible new trend similar to how PLAN have sustained surface ship operations.


While the PLAN operates forward in the Indian Ocean, China has simultaneously built a robust civilian maritime presence in the South China Sea. The State Oceanic Administration (SOA) is an enormous Party-run organization with two essential tasks worth noting: law enforcement of territorial maritime claims, and undersea exploration and surveillance. The SOA manages the China’s coast guard (CCG) and other maritime entities that could have more than 500 ships by 2020. The SOA provides the Party leadership with a “first use policy,” which allows the CCG to protect territorial claims like Scarborough Shoal in the South China Sea while the PLAN provides forceful backup if tensions should escalate. In addition to law enforcement, SOA ships provide undersea surveillance—a useful capability to find natural resources and better understand the water column for submarine operations.

China has also embarked in other military activities in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean to increase maritime presence. The PLAN is in the process of dredging and expanding maritime features such as Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands. The construction improvements could serve as future logistic hubs for naval surface or subsurface assets, landing strips for aircraft, or areas for permanent offensive or defensive land-based weapons. In 2014, China’s naval chief, Admiral Wu Shengli, visited several reefs aboard a PLAN ship to observe the reclamation progress—a vision he set forth in 2004 as head of China’s South Sea Fleet. In 2014 during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s official visit to Sri Lanka, the PLAN confirmed Colombo as a logistics port for submarine out-of-area deployments. The PLAN does not have permanent naval bases in the Indian Ocean, but has established strong economic ties with nations such as Sri Lanka, Yemen, Pakistan, and others to support forward deployed naval operations.

Coalition Building and the Maritime Commerce

The strategic rebalance has long been a focus of policymakers in Washington and was reiterated recently again by the Obama administration’s 2015 National Security Strategy. The new strategy highlighted China’s military modernization and the potential for intimidation in territorial disputes. The new strategy also advocated that the United States will “manage competition from a position of strength” and “will closely monitor China’s military modernization and expanding presence in Asia, while seeking ways to reduce the risk of misunderstanding or miscalculation.

Cmdr. Steven Foley, left, commanding officer of the guided-missile destroyer USS Sampson (DDG 102), and Gen. Moeldoko, commander of the Indonesian national defense forces.


As part of the rebalance strategy, the U.S. Navy should establish an IMOC located in Jakarta, Indonesia, to monitor the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. The IMOC would serve as the primary link to enhance maritime relations with the Indian, Indonesian, and Southeast Asian maritime forces. An operations center supported by international navies is a familiar concept in key maritime areas. In Bahrain, the Combined Maritime Forces exists as a multi-national naval partnership consisting of 30 nations to promote security, stability and prosperity in the maritime domain. In Norwood, United Kingdom, as part of NATO, the Allied Maritime Command operates two key organizations: a 24/7 operations center for permanent command and control of NATO maritime operations, and a shipping center to provide dialogue and coordination with the shipping industry about potential threats.[/size]

[size=18]An IMOC also provides a forward presence and an increased capability to manage the protection of maritime commerce—the single most important variable in the Asia Pacific. The 2015 National Security Strategy echoed that and stated the United States will “maintain the capability to ensure the free flow of commerce, to respond quickly to those in need, and to deter those who might contemplate aggression.”
The statistics about the maritime economy are well known. For example, more than 90 percent of world trade is carried by sea and approximately $5 trillion of ship-borne trade or nearly 30 percent of maritime trade transits through the South China Sea alone.

China understands the economic importance that both the South China Sea and Indian Ocean have to the livelihood of almost every Chinese—approximately 84 percent of China’s total energy imports are required to transit through the Strait of Malacca. President Xi has also made maritime development a cornerstone element of his presidency by offering the building of the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road—“a system of linked ports, infrastructure projects and special economic zones in Southeast Asia and the northern Indian Ocean.”
China has increased economic developments in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean. In 2014, China operated oil platforms in the vicinity of Vietnam with several CCG ships nearby for protection purposes. President Xi has made trips to Sri Lanka and Maldives investing billions in infrastructure projects. In late 2012, China also advocated for the Regional Economic Comprehensive Partnership (RCEP), a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) encompassing ASEAN nations, but failed to include U.S. participation.

Why Indonesia?

International Monetary Fund (IMF) Data Comparing Population and GDP Source: http://www.imf.org/external/datamapper/index.php
International Monetary Fund (IMF) Data Comparing Population and GDP
Source: http://www.imf.org/external/datamapper/index.php

There are several locations in the Asia Pacific, such as Singapore, that could serve as the IMOC headquarters, but Indonesia offers unique strategic attributes. First, compared to other Asia Pacific nations, Indonesia’s economy is the fourth largest in the Asia Pacific behind China, Japan, and India. (See the graphic illustrating Indonesia’s GDP in comparison to other Southeast Asia nations) Given Indonesia’s economic influence, the U.S. government should embark on an aggressive campaign to improve bilateral trade relations and include Indonesia as part of the Trans Pacific Partnership, which is a proposed trade agreement with 11 nations and considered the foundation of the Obama Administration’s Asia Pacific economic policy.

Second, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo desires his nation to become a primary player in the maritime domain. After assuming the presidency, he stated, “Thus, as a maritime country, Indonesia should assert itself as the World Maritime Axis. This position opens opportunities for Indonesia to develop regional and international cooperation for the prosperity of the people.” To help promote this renewed maritime focus, President Jokowi has proposed increasing military spending by 1.5 percent of Indonesia’s total GDP. In addition, he has published a maritime doctrine with five pillars to advance his quest and establish Indonesia as the maritime “fulcrum.”

President Jokowi recognizes with a limited budget, foreign investment plays a critical role in achieving success and has said, “So we need investment, we need investors, to boost our economic growth, to build our deep seaports, to build our airports.” As President Barak Obama enters the last years of his administration, a strategic opportunity exists to establish a meaningful relationship with Indonesia to improve economic development and maritime security. President Obama could lean on his strong personal ties to Indonesia—he lived there during his childhood and his mother worked there for more than 20 years. President Obama’s actions toward Indonesia are crucial to support President Jokowi’s vision and will also require buy-in from Congress to boost Indonesia’s economy.

Third, Indonesia can emerge as a beacon for democracy in a time period where Southeast Asian nations such as Thailand are struggling with political unrest. Indonesia is the third largest democracy in the world behind India and the United States respectively. In 2014, 50 percent of the population was reported under the age of 30 and the working-age population will grow by 14.8 million by 2020. Those demographics offer an opportunity to spur interest in democratic ideals and open market economies.

Fourth, the IMOC’s location in Indonesia serves as a central point for maritime operations in the Asia Pacific. The U.S. Navy relies on one Fleet Commander (7th Fleet) in Yokosuka, Japan, to oversee 48 million square nautical miles and sustain relationships with 35 nations. This enormous responsibility and sheer size of the Asia Pacific requires several nodes throughout the theater to maintain a robust maritime domain awareness. By adding an IMOC in Indonesia, the Navy can further leverage and integrate partner nations to monitor the maritime domain from the center outward.

Even though Indonesia provides strategic attributes for an IMOC, the maritime nation has several shortcomings moving forward. The most critical is a suitable infrastructure—specifically ports and roads. Last year the World Bank issued an Indonesia Development Policy Review and cited the specifics of the infrastructure gap. The report indicated that Indonesia’s “port capacity remains very limited” and “compares poorly with other developing Asian countries on trade logistics measures.” In addition, the report offered that Indonesia’s roads have faced a decade of under-investment, which has “contributed to serious capacity gaps, congestion problems and poor logistics performance.” The World Bank has projected $120 billion (U.S.) is required to improve Indonesian roads.

President Jokowi seems to have the right vision to improve Indonesia’s poor infrastructure, but faces other hurdles in the coming years as well. He will have to narrow the skills gap in the labor market, improve the functioning of several public and private markets, fight the potential threat of international terrorism, thwart corruption, and maintain the support of approximately 220 million Muslims and numerous ethnic groups speaking more than 700 different languages. In addition he will need to answer his nation’s past history of human rights abuses. In 2014, Indonesia failed to report previous human rights violations to the United Nations and was questioned earlier this year about the nation’s commitment for resolving those issues. Regardless of Indonesia’s shortcomings, the nation is at a unique historical crossroads as a rising Asia Pacific nation.

The United States has a difficult challenge to rebalance towards the Asia Pacific and monitor China’s maritime rise. More important, the nation has made a commitment to allies and partners that must be followed by actions or the potential loss of credibility will ensue. During his trip to Australia in 2011, President Obama commented, “So let there be no doubt: in the Asia Pacific in the 21st century, the United States of America is all in.” If the United States is “all in” in its rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific, the Navy with the assistance of Congress and the Obama administration should explore ways to do more as China further advances its interests and influence in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.


http://news.usni.org/2015/03/09/essay-u-s-should-consider-establishing-a-south-china-sea-international-operations-center-in-indonesia
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Re: Posicion Geoestrategica- Centro de Operaciones Maritimas Internacionales - Cuartel General en Indonesia

Mensaje por Rogersukoi27 el 16/4/2016, 3:04 pm


Mientras que el transito comercial sigue creciendo a pasos gigantes por los mares
del Sur de China, y flancos de Filipinas y Vietnam, la posicion central de monitoreo
para las fuerzas navales internacionales, presenta una posicion ideal en Indonesia,
para el monitoreo, seguimiento y clasificacion de operaciones que circunden por
dicha zona.
Los centros de comando y control en esta zona, favorece los movimientos y
deteccion a tiempo de condiciones adversas para los paises vecinos.
Se anticipa Indonesia en la conformacion de una fuerza Naval con equipos de
vanguardia, para equilibrar la creciente disputa del mar enfrente de ellos.







Indonesia Plays Up New South China Sea ‘Base’ After China Spat




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CORVETA INDONESA KRI SULTAN KASANHUDDIN

Lawmakers want existing plans for a new ‘base’ in the Natunas to get a closer look.

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By Prashanth Parameswaran
March 28, 2016
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Last week, a Chinese coast guard ship once again attempted to intercept an Indonesian crackdown on a Chinese boat for illegal fishing near the Natuna Islands in the South China Sea, sparking unprecedented outrage from Jakarta.

Though Indonesia is technically not a claimant in the South China Sea disputes, it is an interested party since China’s nine-dash line overlaps with the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) around the resource-rich Natuna Islands, a point that has long miffed Jakarta. The latest incident has predictably led to speculation about the extent to which Indonesia might reexamine its approach to the South China Sea and its overall policy towards China under its president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo “See: “Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy: A Delicate Equilibrium”).

As I noted in a previous piece, my own sense is that we will see a recalibration of Indonesia’s South China Sea policy – which I’ve termed a “delicate equilibrium” – rather than a radical departure from it (See: “Will Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy Change Amid China’s Assertiveness?”. This would include a faster buildup of Indonesian capabilities near the Natunas.

Sure enough, since the incident, Indonesian lawmakers have begun reiterating the importance of the construction of a military base in the Natunas. Mahfud Siddiq, the head of the House of Representatives’ (DPR’s) commission on defense and foreign affairs, said on March 24 that developing a base would be “important for the defense system” of Indonesia, “which shares its borders with many countries in the South China Sea.”

To be sure, the plan to construct a base in the Natunas is not new. As I pointed out in a previous piece, it has been considered for a while now and was even publicly known since last July (See: “A New Indonesia Military Base Near the South China Sea?”). Siddiq himself noted that this is a plan that has been in the works since 2015 and had been planned to be completed in 2017, costing around 1.3 trillion rupiah by his estimate.

And as I noted in that piece, it is still early days and it is not entirely clear what exactly that base would look like. As the panel’s deputy chairman T.B. Hasanudin noted, it may not be a traditional base – a post where military personnel are placed in a particular location ready to be deployed – but what he termed a “redisposition of forces” with additional equipment and defense equipment in the area.

But the broader point is that Chinese actions increase Indonesian threat perceptions and give these initiatives even more momentum. Since the incident, some lawmakers have called for other military initiatives as well including reinforcing the fleet supervising the Natunas. Indonesian officials, including the coordinating political, legal and security affairs minister Luhut Pandjaitan, have also said that Jakarta will boost its presence in the Natunas with better-equipped patrol boats and other defense systems, which are also moves that had been previously in the works (See: “A New Indonesia Military Boost Near the South China Sea?”). Luhut, who is no stranger to sensationalist comments, said that Indonesia would “transform Natuna Islands akin to an aircraft carrier.” “It will become a strong military base with the navy and air force there,” he added.

He also said that Jokowi had himself been firm on the issue. “It is part of our territorial integrity. The President told me two or three days ago: ‘Luhut, I won’t compromise.’ So that is clear”, he said.

http://thediplomat.com/2016/03/indonesia-plays-up-new-south-china-sea-base-after-china-spat/

    Fecha y hora actual: 21/10/2017, 6:10 pm